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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  ••tM*  STREIT 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  M580 

{7\^)  872-4503 


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This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmd  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 

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or  iiiustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^>  (moaning  "CON- 
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whichever  applies. 

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method: 


L'exemplaira  film*  f ut  raproduit  grice  i  la 
gAnArositA  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

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de  la  nattet*  de  l'exemplaira  film*,  at  an 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Les  exemplairas  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  filmte  en  commenvant 
par  la  premier  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darniAre  paga  qui  comporta  una  ampreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplairas 
originaux  sont  fiimte  Wi  commenpant  par  la 
premiere  paga  qui  comporta  una  ampreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  at  en  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
darniire  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  seion  le 
cas:  le  symbols  -^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

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filmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  ie  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seui  clich*.  il  est  film*  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  geuche  A  droite, 
et  de  heut  en  bas.  en  prenant  ie  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

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eyyozthwest 
CoUectLorv 


.- ' 


^ 


11I 


SPEECH 


Of 


HON.  JOSHUA  R.  GIDDINGS,  OF  OHIO, 


ON 


THE   OREGON    QUESTION. 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  MONDAY,  JANUARY  5,  1846. 


WASHINGTON: 
BLAIR  &  RIVES,  PRINTERS.    _  - 1 
1846. 


THE    OREGON    QUESTION. 


^ 


Tlie  resolution  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  I 
I      Affuirs,  requiring  the  President  to  notify  Great  1 
!      Britain  of  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
f      terminatt'  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
*      abrogate  the  convention   of'  1827,  being  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  GIDDINGS  said  it  was  due  to  himself  to 
slate,  that  when  this  subject  was  before  a  former 
Congress,  he  had  beeti  opposed  to  giving  the 
notice  contemplated  by  the  resolution  before  the 
House.  I  then  (said  be)  acted  with  a  view  to  the 
^circumstances  with  which  we  were  surrounded. 

'  But  as  the  circumstances  which  led  me  to  oppose 
the  measure  at  that  period  have  undergone  a  great 
change,  I  am  compelled  to  shape  mj'  present  policy 
to  the  .situation  in  which  the  Government  is  placed. 
When  this  suliject  was  before  us  at  a  former  ses- 
■'.Bion,  our  Gove'rmnent  had  not  adopted  the  policy 
■of  extending  its  powers,  by  the  acquisition  of  new 
-territory.  I  then  preferred  that  the  Union,  which 
had  been  formed  by  our  falher.s  of  the  Revolution, 
should  remain,  and  be  perpetuated.  I  saw,  or 
thought  I  saw,  dllficultics  and  dangers  in  attempt- 
hig  to  bring  other  governments  under  our  jurisdic- 
tion. I  hiid  seen  "in  this  Hall,  since  the  day  on 
which  I  first  entered  it,  a  conflict  of  interest  be- 
tween different  portions  of  the  Union,  which  in 
my  view  threatened  the  final  overthrow  of  our 
Government,  if  confined  to  its  then  existing  lim- 
its. Even  then,  a  spirited  contest  had  been  car- 
ried on  f(n-  many  years  between  the  southern  and 
northern  portions  of  the  Union,  in  regard  to  our 
protective  tariff.  At  one  time  it  had  actually  ar- 
rayed in  arms  one  member  of  the  confederacy 
against  the  power  of  the  Federal  Government. 
Tliat  controversy  still  continues,  and  is  likely  to 
increase  in  interest. 

Another  controversy,  between  the  eastern  and 
•western  portions  of  the  Union,  has  long  been  car- 
ried on  in  respect  to  the  disposition  of  our  jiublic 
lands.  That  controversy  still  continues.  But,  sir, 
a  conflict  of  a  more  absorbing  character,  between 
the  slaveholding  intercst-s  of  the  South  and  the  ad- 
vocates of  freedom  at  the  North,  had  been  increas- 
ing and  extending  among  all  classes  of  society, 
both  in  the  free  and  in  the  s'ave  States.  There  was, 
then,  a  huge  balance  of  political  power  in  favor  of 
ttie  free  States;  wliile  a  liberal  and  perhaps  com- 
inendablc  ])olicy,  on  the  part  of  the  North,  had 

fiven  to  the  slaveholding  territory  an  equal  num- 
er  of  States,  and  of  course  an  equal  represcnta- 

X  U..^  O  ij««  «  ,^     Si 


tion  in  the  Senate  with  that  of  the  free  States.  I 
then  believed,  notwithstanding  all  these  sectional 
conflicts,  that  our  Union  might  be  preserved,  if  tlie 
Government  were  confined  to  its  then  existing  lim- 
its; but  I  was  most  solemnly  impressed  with  the 
opinion,  that,  if  our  territory  were  extended,  and 
the  interests  of  different  sectmns  thereby  rendered 
more  conflicting,  the  i)ermanency  of  the  Union 
would  be  ciulangcred.  These  views  were  based 
upon  the  irrevocable  laws  of  nature.  The  soil ,  and 
climate,  and  products  of  Texas  are  totally  different 
from  the  soil,  and  climate,  and  products  of  New 
England;  but  they  arc  not  more  different  than  arc 
the  real  interests  of  the  people  in  those  sections 
of  the  country.  It  will  be  as  impossible  for 
Congress  by  any  laws  of  our  enactment,  to  recon- 
cile "the  interests  of  Texas  and  MasKachusetts,  as 
it  woidd  for  us  to  compel  the  cotton  and  sugar  of 
Texas  to  grow  on  New  England  soil,  or  the  man- 
ufactures of  New  England  to  flourish  in  Texas. 
So,  too,  with  Oregon.  The  principal  commerce  of 
that  territory  must  be  with  the  Sandwich  Isles  and 
with  China;  ours  with  Europe.  No  law  of  ours 
can  reverse  or  reconcile  these  interests,  founded 
upon  the  dificrent  positions  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pa- 
cific coasts.  We  may  extend  our  laws  over  Oregon. 
We  may  admit  her  as  a  i>ow  State  to  our  Union,  as 
we  have  already  admitted  Texas ;  but  time  will 
demonstrate  to  the  people  of  Texas,  and  of  Ore- 
gon, that  they  gain  nothing  by  the  association;  and 
our  people  of  the  East  and  the  North  will  find,  by 
future  experience,  that  a  union  with  Oregon  and 
Texas  will  require  of  them  the  sacrifice  of  a  por- 
tion of  their  own  interests,  without  in  any  degree 
adding  to  the  hapjiiness  of  the  human  family. 
When  these  things  shall  be  fully  seen  and  felt  by 
all  portions  of  the  Union,  a  separation  will  be  m- 
evitable,  and  such  n(  w  confederations  will  then  be 
formed  as  shall  be  tlK)ught  more  conducive  to  the 
general  good.  With  these  views,  I  preferred  the 
independence  of  both  Texas  and  Oregon,  rallier 
tlien  see  them  united  with  us.  I  was  fully  aware 
that  tlie  tide  of  emigration,  which  was  setting  from 
our  western  States  to  Oregon,  would  people  that 
territory  svith  those  who  understand  the  value  of 
our  free  institutions,  and  who  are  devoted  to  the 
cause  of  civil  liberty.  Their  wisdom  and  patriot- 
ism would  soon  erect  a  Government  there,  mod- 
dlcd  after  our  own,  while  it  would  be  free  from  the 
errors  to  whicli  ours  is  subjected.  Under  these 
circumstances  and  with  these  impressions,  I  felt 
that  the  great  interests  of  all  would  be  for  better 


i  subserved  by  thair  becoinin;i;  iriikpciidcnt  Govorn- 

<•  ineiits,  than  tlicy  would  l)y  ibcir  l)iinf^  mcmticrsi  of 

our  confl'diM-xcy.  liidoed,  I  tVlt  llial  ibc  iioliry  of 
rccoiviiij^  tl  em  as  nicnil)(;rs  i.^'i  our  Union,  w(juld 
cventuiilly  prove  futul  to  our  lonftd*  riitiun.  Of 
tlii\t  result,  I  cnterliiined  no  doubt.  Nor  do  I  now 
entertain  any  doubt  whatever  on  tlial  point.  I 
tlicrefore  voted  against  terniinaiiiig  our  joint  oe- 
cujiatifin  of  Oregon,  and  again.st  ail  political  as^so- 
ciiUion  with  Tt^vas.  Yet,  sir,  tiie  policy  of  ter- 
ritorial aggrandizement  has  been  adopted.  It  has 
been  done  without  my  eon.sent,  and  against  my 
will.  For  the  resulting  coiisequences,  I  am  not  ve 
sponsible;  nor  is  the  |)arty  with  whom  1  have  had 
the  honor  to  act.  But,  sir,  since  this  subject  of 
Oregon  was  before  us  during  a  former  Congress, 
the  jiolicyof  the  nation  has  been  ciianged.  Indeed, 
the  Government  itsell"  has  been  cluniiied  in  its  cs- 
sen'-'il  elements;  its  fundamental  ]irinciji!es  have 
been  overthrown.  The  Union,  formed  by  our  ven- 
erated predecessors,  has  been  dissolved,  and  a  new 
slaveliolding  confederacy  with  a  foreign  Govern- 
nent  has  been  formed. 

It  is  true  that  the  action  of  this  body  and  of  the 
Executive  in  regard  to  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
has  impo.sed  no  moral  or  j)olitical  obligation  u|)on 
the  peo)ilc  of  Ohio,  or  of  any  fiee  State,  to  enter 
into  this  new  slaveliolding  confederacy.  But,  from 
present  indications,  they  will  all  submit,  and  become 
parties  to  the  new  Union.  This  cannot  be  fully 
determined  until  after  the  Senators  and  Represen- 
tatives of  Texas  shall  take  their  seats  in  Con- 
gress. Then,  if  Ohio  shall  thereafter  elect  mem- 
bers of  Congress  to  come  here,  and  act  with  those 
of  Texas  in  passing  laws  to  govern  our  people,  we 
shall  thereby  become  jiariies  to  the  new  com])act. 
But,  sir,  our  State  will  become  a  iiarty  under  the 
ex])ectation  that  the  policy  of  adtling  new  States 
shall  be  continued,  until  the  balance  of  })ower  shall 
be  restored  to  the  northern  section  of  the  Union. 
It  is  the  annexation  of  Texas  that  has  reiid(;red  the 
wliole  of  Oregon  necessary  to  restore  that  balance 
of  power.  By  the  annexation  of  Texas  the  slave 
States  now  have  a  majority  in  the  Senate.  They 
will  continue  to  retain  that  majority,  unless  we  add 
territory  to  our  northwestern  border.  By  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  tlie  protection  of  the  free  labor 
of  the  North  has  been  isurrcndered  to  the  control 
of  the  slave  power;  our  constitutional  rights  and 
the  lionor  of  our  free  States  are  delivered  over  to 
the  keeping  of  slaveholders.  Indeed,  our  people 
of  the  free  States  have  been  politically  bound  hand 
and  foot  and  surrendered  to  the  rule  and  govern- 
ment of  a  slaveliolding  oligarchy.  This  has  been 
done  by  the  party  in  power,  under  the  declared 
policy  of  cManung  Texas  and  j-etaiiiiiig  the  whole 
of  Oregon.  But,  having  obtained  Texas,  a  portion 
of  the  party  now  propose  to  give  up  a  part  of  Ore- 
gon. Their  plan  is,  to  add  territory  to  the  South, 
and  surrender  up  territory  on  the  North;  to  increase 
their  power,  to  decrease  ours;  to  enlarge  the  area 
of  slavery,  to  diminish  the  area  of  freedom.  But 
while,  by  their  acts,  they  are  saying  the.se  things, 
they  appear  to  have  suddenly  conceived  a  sort  of 
holy  horror  of  sectional  views,  and  of  sectional  feel- 
ings. Last  year  they  openly  avowed  their  anxiety 
for  Texas,  in  order  to  increase  their  |)olitical  power. 
They  liave  obtained  Texas,  and  with  it  an  increase 
of  political  power,  and  they  liavc  now  suddenly 
become  iiupresscd  with  the  impropriety  of  section- 


al feeling.  But  if  anything  be  well  calculated  to  ex- 
cite sectional  fec^lings,  it  is  sectional  injustice. 

We  have  had  abundant  demonstrations  fif  south- 
ern feelings  in  regard  to  northern  interests.  Wt; 
know  it  is  vain  for  us  to  talk  of  maintaining  the  in- 
terests of  the  manufacturers  of  Pennsylvania,  New 
York, and  New  England,  while  the  political  ))ower 
of  the  nation  is  swayed  by  those  who  have  always 
been  inexorably  opposed  lu  iheiii.  No  man  of  re- 
flection can  for  a  moment  beli.'ve  that  southern 
statismen,  who  have  from  time  immemorial  striven 
to  destroy  all  })rolection  of  northern  labor,  will  now 
turn  anuind,  win  n  they  have  the  power  in  their 
hands,  and,  for  the  fust  time,  lend  their  aid  to  sus- 
tain northern  imlustry.  No,  Mr.  Speaker,  it  be- 
comes us  to  act  like  men:  to  look  our  dilllculties  in 
the  face,  and  to  pursiu'  the  best  mode  of  retrieving 
the  advantages  which  have  iieen  thrown  away. 
That  can  only  lie  thme  by  restoring  the  balance  of 
])Ower,  by  adding  new  Slates  at  the  west  and  north- 
west, lo  admit  new  States  on  that  border,  we 
must  have  the  territory  out  of  which  such  States 
may  be  formed.  But  southern  gentlemen,  whose 
voices  at  the  last  ses^;i()n  were  heard,  loud  and  long, 
in  favor  of  Texas  and  the  whole  if  Orepnn,  now  see 
"  a  lion  in  the  way."  They  were  then  chivalrous; 
now  they  are  alllbrpeace.  1  hen  they  waxed  valiant 
when  war  with  Mexico  ami  Englaml  was  alluded 
to;  now  they  "  roar  you  gently  us  sucking  doves." 
But  a  year  ago  their  motto  was,  J\mu  or  never;  at 
this  time,  "  «  Duisterlij  Inaclivlhj"  is  their  maxim. 
Last  year  they  spoke  in  strains  of  fervid  elofiuence 
of  the  glory  of  extending  tin-  American  sway  over 
new  territory,  and  of  adding  new  Slates  to  our  bril- 
liant constellation;  now  they  call  uj)on  their  north- 
ern Iriends  to  stop  this  mad  career  of  extending  the 
power  of  our  Government,  and  to  leave  the  political 
control  of  the  nation  in  their  hands  for  a  few  years, 
until  Great  Britain  shall  quietly  give  up  her  claims 
to  that  territory.  The  northern  portion  of  the 
Democratic  \mvty  say,  that  they  stand  j)ledged  to 
niiiintain  our  rights  to  the  ivhok  of  Oregon  by  their 
Baltimore  resolutions;  and  they  demand  of  their 
southern  allies  to  aid  in  carrying  out  their  solemn 
pledge.  Here,  then,  is  the  issue  between  the 
southern  (uid  northern  portions  of  the  Democratic 
party.  The  North  desire  to  act  in  good  faith,  and 
the  South  insist  ujioii  a  violation  of  their  pledge; 
and  the  Whigs  are  called  u|)on  to  decide  which 
shall  be  done  I  I  have  no  hesitation  whatever  in 
answering  for  myself.  I  shall  vote  to  give  the 
notice,  and  to  terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of 
that  territory.  It  is  said,  that  the  giving  of  notice 
will  produce  a  war.  But  war,  in  my  opinion,  will 
not  necessarily  follow  the  notice;  still,  it  is  said 
that  the  sul)si;quent  taking  possi  ssion  of  tlie  whole 
of  Oifgon  will  be  followed  by  a  war.  I  ain  in- 
clined to  that  opinion.  On  this  point,  I  diflcr  from 
my  venerable  friend  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
Adams.]  I  do  so,  however,  with  the  greatest  diffi- 
dence; for,  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten,  1  have  found 
myself  in  error  when  I  have  diflcred  from  him. 
Yet,  being  impressed  with  this  opinion,  I  am  bound 
to  look  to  that  as  a  possililc,  or  rather  as  a  proba- 
ble result,  fnnii  taking  possession  of  the  tchole  of 
Oregon . 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  must  choose  be- 
tween a  war  with  England  on  the  one  hand,  and  a 
supine  inglorious  submission  to  the  slaveholding 
power  on  the  other.     I  have  seen  enough  of  war 


to  form 
nation, 
upon  p 
vhich 
its  curs 
as  the 
nieetili!. 
pie  of 
under 
am  aw 
upon  tl 
point; 
this  G< 
to  uph( 
century 
trict 


;'-- *««_^?-i^^l*'':»^*^ 


A 


I  fnlnilatrd  to  ex- 
i;il  iojiistice. 
Iratioii.s  of  soiith- 

II  iiilcrcsts.  We 
aiiiliiiiiiiii,'  Ihc  iii- 
iinsylvaiiia,  Nvw 
ic  jmliiii'nl  power 
>vlio  liavp  always 

No  mail  oCh!- 
p  that  soiitlicni 
111  iiioriiil  striven 
II  ialiur,  will  now 
piiwfr  in  tlu'ir 
till  ir  aid  to  «u.s- 
.Spi'aker,  it  Ih;- 
oiir  ililllciiltirsin 
ode  of ntricviii"- 
tJirowii  away. 
^^  tlid  l)alaiii't>  of 
west  and  iiortli- 
fliat  hordor,  we 
ii'li  such  Stall's 
iiticnicn,  wlio.se 
1,  loud  and  loiij;, 
(hrcni},  now  sec 
tlien  cliivalrouH; 
y  waxed  valiant 
iiid  was  alluded 
Hickiiig  doves." 
/ojw  or  never;  at 
s  liieir  maxim. 
'I'l'vid  e!o([iience 
ficaii  sway  over 
tales  to  our  hril- 
inn  their  iiorth- 
:)f  extending  the 
ave  the  politieal 
for  a  few  years, 
e  up  her  claims 
portion  of  the 
and  pledged  to 
Oregon  by  their 
Dmaiid  of  their 
It  their  solemn 
e   between    the 
llie  Democratic 
good  faillt,  and 
f  their  pledge; 
)  decide  which 
m  whatever  in 
te  to  give  the 
occuiiancy  of 
iving  of  notice 
y  opinion,  will 
still,  it  is  said 
11  of  the  whole 
ar.     I  am  in- 
t,  I  differ  from 
Imsetts,    [Mr. 
5  greatest  diifi- 
,  I  have  found 
2d  from   ]iim. 
Ill,  I  am  bound 
:'r  as  a  probn- 
r  the  u'liole  of 

ft  choose  be- 

c  hand,  and  a 

slaveholding 

no  ugh  of  wur 


to  form  an  idea  of  the  sufTering  it  bring.=)  upon  n 
nation.  I  have  witnessed  its  devastating  clfecls 
upon  piililic  morals,  and  the  consef|ueiit  misery 
which  it  inflicts  upon  those  who  are  doomed  to  feel 
its  curse.  Yet,  sir,  with  all  its  horrors,  revolting 
as  they  are  to  the  feelings  of  humanity,  I  prefer 
meeting  it  for  a  few  years  rather  than  see  llic  peo- 
ple of  the  free  Stjites  sit  down  in  quiet  indifrercncc 
under  the  control  of  the  slaveholding  power.  I 
am  aware  that  some  who  have  reflected  l)ut  little 
upon  the  suliitct  will  disagree  with  me  on  tins 
point;  but  when  I  reflect  upon  the  manner  in  which 
this  Covernment  has  been  used  as  the  instrument 
to  uphold  the  institution  of  slavery  for  tlie  last  half 
century,  and  to  sustain  the  slave  trade  in  this  dis- 
trict and  on  the  southern  coast;  the  manner  in 
which  our  arii'.y  has  been  employed  in  murdering 
fugitive  slaves;  and  when  I  reflect  that  the  peojile 
of  the  fVcc  States  are  thus  involved  in  crimes  of  the 
deepest  guilt,  and  of  the  greatest  magnitude;  when 
I  reflect  that  the  whole  peojile  of  the  nation  are,  to 
some  ext(  nt,  involved  in  the  sacrifice  of  thirty 
thousand  human  lives  annually  to  the  Moloch  of 
slavi  I y;  when  I  look  back  but  a  i'cw  days  to  the 
vote  of  northern  men  in  this  Hall  to  unite  in  polit- 
ical lirothcrhood  with  a  State  whose  constitution 
provides  lor  eternal  slavery;  and  when  I  reflect 
that  this  heaven-provoking  iniquity  has  scarcely 
called  forth  a  note  of  disapprobation  from  the  jiub- 
lic  [iress; — when  these  things  rush  ujion  the  recol- 
lection, I  am  compelled  to  say  that  1  [)refer  war  to 
seeing  the  jieople  of  the  free  States  sulnnit,  in  su- 
pine ajiattiy,  to  the  goviM'iimeiit  of  those  accus- 
tomed to  torture  their  fellow  men  into  subjection, 
and  who  deal  in  human  flesh.  I  have  sons  whom 
I  tenderly  love;  and  I  declare  that  I  would  rather 
see  them  fall  in  battle,  contending  for  freedom,  than 
to  see  our  people  of  the  North  ingkiriously  surren- 
der up  the  blood-bought  privileges,  won  by  the  valor 
of  our  fathers  to  the  keeping  of" men  who  deny  the 
"  self-evident  truths"  on  wliich  our  hojies  of  free- 
dom are  founded;  dooming  those  who  shall  bear 
my  name,  in  coining  time,  to  the  degradation  of 
living  and  dying  the  subjects  of  a  slaveholding 
tyranny. 

I  am  aware  that  a  war  with  England  must  be 
attended  with  great  destruction  to  the  commercial 
wealth  oft  he  North.  Their  ships  will  be  captured, 
their  ports  blockaded,  and  their  commerce  for  the 
time  being  destroyed.  1  fully  appreciate  the  feel- 
ings and  motives  of  the  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr.  WiXTimui',]  who  the  other  day 
matle  so  able  and  so  eloquent  a  speech  in  favor  of 
peace,  lie  represents  the  great  commercial  empo- 
rium of  New  England,  and  must  of  course  feel 
deeply  anxious  on  the  subject.  But  it  is  well 
known  that  that  gentleman  wa  the  first  dtsliii- 
guished  statesman'of  New  England  who  jiublicly 
avowed  his  submission  to  the  new  slaveholding 
confederation  with  Texas.  His  State,  like  Ohio, 
Vermont,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut,  had  de- 
clared, in  suljstaiice,  that  neither  this  body  nor  the 
Federal  Government  could  impose  any  obligatimi 
upon  the  ]icople  of  her  State,  to  enter  into  this  new 
union  with  Texas.  The  proposition  is  so  obvi- 
ously correct,  that  I  think  few  statesmen  will  deny 
it.  N(,,  sir,  if  Ohio  shall  unite  in  the  proposed 
confederacy,  it  will  be  from  the  choice  of  her  peo- 
ple, and  not  in  consequence  of  any  obligation 
which  the  action  of  Congress  has  laid  them  under 


to  unite  with  slaveholding  Texas.  If  our  gallant 
State  si, all  l)(;come  a  party  to  the  new  compact,  it 
will  not  be  done  because  we  believe  that  the  exer- 
cise of  usurped  powers  Ijy  this  Government,  can 
transfer  us  from  the  Union  formed  by  our  fathers 
to  a  new  confederation  formed  v  .  Ji  u  foreign  pt'o- 
ple  uiion  the  principles  of  eternal  slavery.  The 
people  of  the  free  Slates  are  not  yet  the  subjects  of 
sale  and  transfer,  like  oxen  in  the  shambles,  or 
slaves  in  a  southern  market.  I  liavtt  at  all  times 
desired  that  the  peojile  of  Ohio  should  not  enter 
into  the  new  union.  Before  Heaven,  I  think  it 
would  be  far  better  for  them  not  to  do  so;  and  if 
my  colleagues  agreed  in  opinion  v.ith  mc,  no  re]i- 
resentative  of  Ohio  would  retain  a  seat  in  this  Hall 
beside  those  of  Texas,  until  the  voice  of  our  people 
.should  be  distinctly  known. 

But  the  gentleman  from  Mas.sachusctts  yielded 
his  assent,  in  advance,  of  the  people  of  his  State, 
He  niust  have  been  aware  of  the  po<ilioi.  m  which 
they  would  be  placed,  by  becoming  :\  party  to  this 
new  compact.  He  was  aware  that  the  dominant 
l)arty  ha(l  pledged  themselves  to  maintain  our  claim 
to  the  icliole  o/ Oregon.  If  dangers  if  a  war  now 
arise,  from  carrying  out  that  policy  it  will  be  no 
more  than  he  had  reason  to  expect.  Indeed,  I  can- 
not believe  that  he  would  now  be  wi'ling  to  leave 
the  nation  subject  to  the  politiy  of  the  slave  States. 
It  is  very  questionable  whether  the  co  nmercial  in- 
terest of'^his  State  would  suffer  more  by  a  war  than 
the  manufacturing  interest  would,  by  bring  sub- 
jected to  southern  rule.  I  have  V2ry  serious 
doubts  whether  u  state  of  war  would  prove  more 
destructive  to  New  England  comme"ce,  than  south- 
ern control  would  prove  to  New  England  manu- 
factures. So  far  as  the  mere  pecuniary  interests  of 
the  free  Slates  are  concerned,  I  think  it  quite  imma- 
terial whether  we  have  war  or  |ieace.  IfMa.ssa- 
chusetts  shall  voluntarily  unite  in  the  new  confed- 
eracy, knowing  the  iiolicy  that  controls  it,  she 
ought  cheerfully  to  submit  to  the  consequences. 

The  leading  merchants  of  Boston,  distinguished 
for  their  statesmanship,  are  said  to  have  been 
among  the  first  citizens  of  Massachusetts  who  de- 
clared "that  the  time  for  opjmsing  the  political 
connexion  with  Texas  had  gone  by."  Being  the 
first  to  submit  to  this  gross  usurpation  of  power, 
they  ought  to  be  the  last  to  complain  of  conse- 
quences which  must  have  been  clearly  foreseen. 
Indeed,  it  would  be  wrong  for  them  now  to  oppose 
this  measure,  in  order  to  save  their  interest,  and, 
by  its  defeat,  to  surrender  up  the  whole  manufac- 
turing interest  of  the  nation  to  that  destructive  poli- 
cy recently  avowed  by  the  Executive.  How  will 
the  Rejiresenlatives  of  Pennsylvania  act  on  this 
subject  ?  A  distinguished  citizen  of  that  State  said 
to  me  yesterdaV)  that  the  repeal  of  the  tariff  would 
be  worse  for  the  pecuniary  interests  of  that  Com- 
monwealth than  a  war  with  England.  Of  the  cor- 
ix'clness  of  the  proposiiion  I  entertain  no  doubt 
whatever;  nor  have  I  any  doubt  that  it  would  iii)j>ly 
to  the  whole  of  New  England  with  as  much  force 
as  it  would  to  Pennsylvania.  I  verily  believe  that 
the  laborers  of  the  free  States  would  sutler  less,  in 
a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  by  a  war  with  England, 
than  they  will  by  a  quiet  surrender  of  their  inter- 
ests to  the  control  of  the  slave  power  of  the  South. 
I  mentif)n  the  laborers  of  the  free  States,  including 
the  agricultural  interests  of  the  West,  as  well  as 
the  manufacturing  interests  of  New  England  and 


c 


Pennsylvaniii.  Indeed,  n  wnrwith  Knjilnml  would 
ciTHle  u  mark(!l  for  our  prf)visioiiH,and  iiicreiisc  the 
f)ri('<!  of  (tur  |)rodiir,ts  pjcneriilly. 

I  rtm  aware  that  I  ssliall  Ix;  char^red  with  rntrr- 
tdiriing  sectional  views  and  sectional  feelinijs.  The 
charf;;e  is  true.  When,  at  the  last  session  of 
Corifrress,  I  read  the  Exeeiilive  eorrespondence, 
speaking:  of  soutkern  institutions,  smithern  inter- 
ests, southern  policy,  and  the  extension  ofsottthern 
influence;  and  when  I  heard  those  sentiments  reit- 
erated in  this  Hall  Ity  almost  every  southern 
Bpcnker,  |)roclaime(l  by  every  southern  jiolitical 
convention,  and  heralded  fin-th  in  every  southern 
newspaper,  I  liec;an  to  tliink  it  was  time  for  us  to 
speak  of  northern  interests,  northern  rights,  and 
northern  honor. 

When  I  reflect  that  the  Executive  hns  been 
deeply  engaged  in  efl'orts  for  the  last  year  and  a 
half  to  extend  and  perpetuate  slavery,  and  that 
Congress  has  lent  its  efforts  to  the  same  purpose, 
I  really  think  it  time  for  the  lovers  of  liberty  to  be- 
gin to  sjjcak  in  favor  of  freedom,  of  those  self- 
evident  truths  on  which  our  fathers  based  their  po- 
litical faith.  The  slave  power  has  com]iellcd  us 
to  think  and  speak  of  our  rights,  and  of  the  rights 
of  man;  and  if  wc  tamely  surrender  them  to  the 
keeping  of  those  who  deny  tiieir  existence,  we 
may  bid  a  final  adieu,  not  only  to  our  prosperity, 
but  to  our  honor  and  to  our  political  privileges. 

If  war  should  result  from  carrying  out  this  mea- 
sure, as  it  may,  the  people  of  the  North  jiossess 
within  themselves  the  means  of  defence.  There, 
sir,  all  arc  freemen,  and  all  have  an  interest 
in  sustaining  our  institutions  and  our  law.s.  We 
have  the  industry,  the  energy,  the  patriotism, 
which  may  well  defy  the  world  in  arms.  13\it,  sir, 
our  greatest  difficulty  will  not  consist  in  defending 
ourselves,  or  in  taking  Canada.  No,  sir;  our 
principal  burden  will  be  the  protection  of  the 
South — the  weak,  helpless,  dependent,  slavehold- 
ing  South.  Should  a  war  with  England  take  place, 
Massachusetts  and  Ohio,  and,  indeed,  each  of  the 
free  States,  will  be  compelled  to  contribute  double 
the  amount  of  money  and  of  blood  to  protect  the 
miserable  slaveholders  of  Texas,  that  they  will  in 
defending  themselves.  The  millions — nay,  the 
tens  of  millions — which  we  shall  be  compelled  to 
expend,  and  the  thousands  of  lives  which  must  be 
sacrificed  in  defending  the  heaven-provoking  in- 
stitution of  slavery,  and  those  who  sustain  it  in 
Texas,  will  constitute  a  most  striking  illustration 
of  the  argument  urged  upon  us  at  the  last  ses.sion 
of  Congress,  "  that  it  was  necessary  to  annex 
Texas  in  order  to  ]wolecto\xT  southwestern  frontier." 
The  protection  of  Texas  will  require  fifty  thousand 
troops,  and  an  expenditure  often  millions  of  dollars 
annually. 

But,  sir,  we  shall  not  only  be  compelled  to  pro- 
tect Texas,  but  wg  shall  be  under  the  nciessity  of 
furnishing  troops  from  the  North  to  defend  every 
slave  State  lying  upon  the  Atlantic  coast.  Each 
of  those  States  contains  a  large  population,  who 
are  not  only  the  most  bitter  atid  unrelenting  foes 
to  those  who  scourge,  and  torture,  and  oppress 
them;  but  tliey  are  equally  Jiostile  to  the  Govern- 
ment that  lends  its  aid  and  power  to  degrade  and 
to  hold  them  in  bondage.  In  case  of  war,  they 
will  be  more  dangerous  tlian  four  times  their  num- 
ber of  foreign  enemies.  We  are  all  awnre  that  in 
1789  Soutli  Carolina  sent  a  special  delegation  to 


the  Continental  Congress,  informing  that  body 
that  it  re(|uired  all  her  troo|)s  to  protect  the  people 
against  their  slaves,  and  that  that  chivalrous  State 
mustdepeiul  upon  her  northern  sisters  to  defend  her 
against  the  conution  eru'my.  These  scenes  will 
again  Ix;  acted  if  we  should  engage  in  nnollier  war. 
In  such  case,  all  the  slave  States  colh'ctively  would 
be  unable  to  do  more  than  protect  theiuselve's 
against  their  internal  foes,  and  northern  trooiis 
must  be  relied  upon  to  defend  the  coast  fVoin  the 
Delaware  Capes  to  the  lUo  del  Norte,  the  Mexi- 
can frontier,  ami  the  whole  western  boundary. 
The  expense  would  be  enormous;  but,  in  my 
opinion,  not  more  destructive  to  the  pecuniary  in- 
terests of  the  free  States  than  the  iVee-trade  policy 
of  the  present  Adiriinistration.  1  am  fully  aware 
that  the  southern  portion  of  the  Union  must  .lufTer 
most  in  case  of  war.  I  liave  noticed  the  alarm 
manifested  in  southern  papers  at  the  distant  pros- 
peel  of  war  with  England.  They  now  antii'ipnio 
(lestru<'tion  to  the  c(iiton-grr)wing  interest.  Slave 
labor,  they  say,  will  be  depreciated,  and  slave 
property  will  become  valueless.  That  is  doubtless 
correct.  But  this  policy  of  extending  our  terri- 
tory is  theirs,  not  mine.  It  originated  with  .south- 
ern statesmen,  and  was  forced  ufion  the  nation  for 
the  express  purpose  of  perpetuating  slavery.  If 
God,  in  his  providence,  shall  overrule  their  wicked 
designs  to  the  sul)version  of  that  curse,  I  shall 
greatly  rejoice.  Last  year  our  southern  friends 
expressed  great  anxiety  for  "  Texas  and  the  vhole 
of  Oregon."  Having  obtained  Texas,  and  with 
it  the  balance  of  political  power,  they  now  demand 
i  an  abandonment  of  their  policy,  i\\m  that  the  Gov- 
I  ernmcnt  of  the  nation  be  left  in  their  hands,  and 
I  Oregon  remain  as  it  is.  They  now  see  difficulties 
i  before  them:  dangers  present  themselves  to  the 
further  pursuit  of  their  plan  of  territorial  aggran- 
dizement. They  have  suddenly  called  to  mind 
the  declaration  of  British  statesmen,  that  "  a  tear 
irith  the  United  States  \rill  be  a  irar  of  emancipation." 
They  see  in  prospect  the  black  regiments  of  the 
Briti.sh  West  India  islands  landing  among  them, 
and  their  slaves  flocking  to  the  enemy's  standard. 
Servile  insurrections  torment  their  imaginations; 
rapine,  blood,  and  murder  dance  before  their 
affrighted  visions.  They  are  now  seen  in  every 
part  of  the  Hall,  calling  on  Whigs  and  Democrats 
to  save  theiTi  from  the  dreadful  consequences  of 
their  own  policy.  Well,  sir,  I  reply  to  them. 
This  is  your  policy,  not  ours:  Vou  have  forced  us 
into  it  against  our  will  and  our  utmost  opposition: 
you  have  prepared  the  poisoned  chalice,  and  we 
will  press  it  to  your  lips  until  you  swallow  the 
very  dregs. 

I  w-ould  not  be  understood  as  desiring  a  servile 
insurrection;  l)ut  I  say  to  southern  gentlemen,  thai 
there  arc  hundreds  of  thousands  of  honest  and 
patriotic  men  who  "  will  laugh  at  your  calamity, 
and  trill  mock  trhen  your  fear  cometh,"  If  blood 
and  massacre  should  mark  the  struggle  for  liberty 
of  those  who  for  ages  have  been  oppressed  and 
degraded,  my  jirayer  to  the  God  of  Heaven  .shall 
be,  that  justice — slern,  unyieUling  justice — may  be 
awarded  to  both  master  and  slave.  I  desire  that 
every  human  being  may  enjoy  the  rights  with 
which  the  God  of  nature  has  endowed  him.  If 
those  rights  can  be  regained  by  the  down-trodden 
sons  of  Africa  in  our  southern  States  by  quiet  and 
peaceful  means,   I   hope  they  will  pursue  such 


peaceh 
their 
revertl 
blood  1 
l)e  the 
frcedo 
long 
all   the 
those 

BOILS 

bare, 
•oul-di 
cause 
fought 
eons 
of  shu 
West 
f/((.'in( 
the  coi 
feeling' 
North 
b( 'wei 
dies 
vliile 
will  b< 
found 
politii'; 
fellowl 
flesh. 
Sho 
nlace, 
liaiis  11 
ruist 
Cover 
dia  is 
from  rl 
lyzing' 
the  ph 
hibitet 
•would 
really 
Th 
citizen 
lethar; 
Bcnsib 
presse 
to  se\ 
tutioii 
slaver 
to  j)a3 
sand  a 
ed  fro 
the  la 
Bui 
proba 
shoul 
Brum 
north 
doubl 
■wouli 
vhicl 
Texs 
polic 
■was  i 
ofT( 
partj 
Iiave 
holdi 
relie' 
to  us 


1 


orniin!»  thnt  body 
|irntrrt  tlin  propic 
it  I'hivalroii.s  Siair 

sisters  tixlffcnd  Uv.r 

riu'SC    SCCtlCN    will 

:\<j:v  ill  itiioliu;?-  war, 
scdilcctivcly  Wduld 
protect    tliciusilvi.'s 

I  iHirtlicrii  trooiiH 
the  codNt  fVoiri  the 

Ndrte,  tiie  Mexi- 
Aesteni  l)oinidary. 
iidiis;   but,    in   my 

Hie  [leeuiiiary  iii- 
le  iVee-trade  policy 

1  ain  fully  uware 
;  Union  must  sufier 

iiotiecd  tiic  alarm 
It  tlic  distant  nms- 
ley  now  anticipiiic 
!<;  interest.  Slave 
eciated,   and  slave 

Tliat  is  doulitless 

teiuiin!;^  mir  terri- 
rinatcd  witli  south- 
i|inn  the  nation  for 
latins;  slavery.     If 

rrulc  their  wicked 

iiat  eiu'Ke,   I   shall 

southern  friends 

exas  and  the  vhole 

Texas,  and  with 

they  now  demand 

and  that  tiie  Gov- 
1  their  liands,  and 
low  sec  difficulties 
ihemselves  to  the 
territorial  uirgran- 
y  called  to  mind 
men,  that  "  a  tear 
r  of  emancipation." 

regiments  of  the 
ling  among  them, 
enemy's  standard, 
leir  iniiiginations; 
ince  before  their 
iw  seen  in  every 
gs  and  Democrats 
1  consequences  of 

I  reply  to  them, 
''ou  liavc  forced  us 
itmost  opposition: 

chalice,  and  we 
you  swallow  tlic 

desiring  a  servile 
■n  gentlemen,  thai 
Is  of  honest  and 
at  yoitr  calamity, 
neth."  If  blood 
niggle  for  liberty 

II  oppressed  and 
of  Heaven  .shall 
justice — may  be 

ve.  I  desire  that 
'  the  rights  with 
idowed  him.  If 
he  down-trodden 
ates  by  quiet  and 
all  pursue  such 


peaceful   mcn.sures.     Eut  if  iliey  cannot  regain  i 
th«!ir   {'oii-given    rights   by   peneeful   measures,  I  I 
nevertheless   hope   they  will   regain  them;  and    if} 
blood  be  shed,  I  should  certt\iiily  linpe  that  it  might  j 
be  tile  blood  jif  those  who  slaiul  Ix  Iweeii  them  and  i 
freedom,  and  not  the   blood   of  those  whe  have  ' 
long  Ijeen  robbed  of  their  wives  and  children  nnd  i 
•11  they  hold  dear  in   life.     It  is  true,  that  wlien  | 
tliost;  scenes  shall  occur,  iKulhern  fre<'men,  our  j 
■oils  nnd  neighbors,  mu.-.t  niandi  to  Texas,  and  i 
bare    tiieir   breasts   to    tl  e  shal'ls  of  battle,  in   a 
Soul-degrading    defence   of  slavery.      In   such  a  | 
cause  who  would  not  b(>  n  i  owaru .'    Our /«//ier.'i 
fouglit  for   tilt!    inalienable    riglits  of  man:    our 
tons  must   fiu-e   the   cannon's   mouth  in  defence, 
of  slavery.     .Should    the  black   n^iiiments  of  the  • 
West  Indies  land  niion  our  scnitliern  coast,  our  j 
f.'eemen  of  the  iVorlh  will  be  placed  in  a  position  | 
the  contemplation  of  wliicli  is  most  revolting  to  the  | 
findings  of  liumanity.     For  the  jM'ojile  of  the  free  ; 
Nortli  to  march  to  our  southern  States,  and  stand 
be'ween  tiu^  emancipated  slaves  of  tlm  West  In- , 
dies  and  .southern  .slaveholders,  and   defend  them  j 
vhile  they  dog  their  bondmen   into  submission, 
will  !)C  degradation  witliout  a  juirallel,  except  it  bi^  i 
found  in  the  quiet  .'^ubiiiission  of  our  peo]>le  to  the  ; 
political  control  of  those  wito  buy  and  sell  their  j 
fellow-men,   and   make    mercluuidi.se   of   human 
flesh.  _  ! 

Should  the  scenes  to  which  I  have  alluded  take  j 

i)Iace,  one  great  advantage  would  residt.  Per-; 
lajis  no  statesman  doubts  that  a  war  with  England 
must  prove  the  death  of  slavery.  The  British' 
Government  now  have  no  slaves  in  llicir  West  In- 
dia islands,  as  in  the  last  war,  to  restrain  them  ' 
from  raising  the  ling  of  emanci)iation.  The  [lara- 1 
lyziiig  ell'ecl.s  which  that  institution  exerts  iqion  , 
the  physicid  energies  of  the  nation  would  be  e.\- 1 
hibited  to  the  world.  Our  people  of  the  North  | 
would  be  constrained  to  loolc  upon  the  evil  us  it  i 
really  is. 

The  slave  power  would  lose  its  charm — our 
citizens  of  the  North  would  be  aroused  fnnii  the  , 
lethargy  which,  for  half  a  century,  has  held  their  j 
Bensibilities  in  a  torpid  inactivity  toward  the  op- 
pressed of  our  land.  We  slioultl  then  find  means  ' 
to  sever  the  cords  which  have  so  long,  uiiconsti-| 
tutioiially,  bound  iis  to  the  jiutrescent  carcass  of  i 
slavery.  Great  Britain  W(nild  not  be  likely  again  , 
to  pay  southern  slaveholders  twelve  kunilredlhou-' 
sand  dollars  for  human  cattle,  who  shall  have  stray-  \ 
ed  from  their  owners,  as  was  done  at  the  close  of  1 
the  last  war. 

But  another  consequence  would,  in  all  human 
probability,  result  from  a  war  with  England.  We  j 
should  oJHain  the  Canadas,  Nova  Scotia,  and  New  \ 
BruiLswick,  adding,  at  least,  six  new  States  to  the  | 
northern  portion  of  the  Union,  each   possessing 
douljje  the   population  of  Texa.s.     These  States ; 
would  restore  to  the  North  that  balance  of  power 
"Nvliich  was  surrendered  up  by  the  annexation  of 
Texas.     It  would  be  in  strict  accordance  with  the 
policy  tivowed  by  the  party  in  iiower,  and  which  ; 
■was  'Tl  par*  carried  into  practice  by  the  annexation  ' 
of  Texas.     I  thererorc  say  to  the  members  of  that 

|)arty,  Cai-ryout  your  policy!  By  adopting  it,  you 
lave  brought  us  under  the  power  of  the  slave- 
holding  States;  continue  your  policy,  and  you  will 
relieve  us  from  our  present  position,  and  restore 
to  us  the  rights  you  iuxv 


ie  taken  from  us.    I  will 


vote  to  render  you  every  facility  for  carrying  for- 
ward your  plans;  it  being  understood  ul  all  time«, 
tliai  I  regard  the  measure  a.s  ullinmtely  fatal  to  llie 
Union;  but  not  as  immediately  so  us  it  would  be 
to  leave  the  Government  where  it  now  is.  The 
re.sponsiliility  must  rest  upon  those  who  have 
avowed  and  adopted  the  system.  To  them  behuig 
the  honors  and  the  rcs|)oi.sibilitieH  of  the  |)olicy; 
we  claim  no  portion  of  one,  nor  will  wc  share  in 
the  other. 

But,  Mr.  S|ieaker,  I  am  unwilling  to  resume  my 
seal  until   I  express   my  perfect  eonvietioii  that 
this  policy  cannot  be  carried  out  by  the  party  in 
power.     The   northern    Democrats   will   soon  be 
deserted    liy    their    southern    slaveholdiiig   allies. 
They   have  been   betraye<l    by  the    slave  pow<;r. 
Texas  is  admitted,  and  the  .-tmithern  wing  of  the 
I.leniocratic;  jiarty  will  now  desert  their  northern 
friends,  and    leave    Oregon    wlusre    it   is.     They 
are  like  the  militia  captain  who,  when  goin;j  into 
battle,  inf(M-nicd  his  men  that,  •'  as  he  wua  lamei 
'  he  would  commence  his  retieat  then;  but  his  sol- 
'  diers  being  quick  upon  the  foot,  he  thought  they 
'  could  r)vertake  him  if  they  waited  until  after  the 
*  battle."    Ifthis  resolution  should  Im;  adopted, the 
Executive  would  find  means  to  e;)i'ape  from  the 
dileiunia  into  which  this  southern  ptdicy  lias  pre- 
cipitated liiin.     It  is  most  obvious  to  my  judgment 
that  he  cannot  be  driven  into  a  war  with  England. 
As  1  have  already  stated,  a  war  with  that  nation 
nniHl  prove  the  total  overthrow  of  slavery.    Every 
reflecting  statesman  must  see  this  as  clearly  as  any 
event  can  be   foretold   by  human    pcrcejition.     I 
do  not  think  the  slaveholdiiig  jiortion  of  the  Demo- 
cratic, party  were  aware,  that  the  carrying  out  of 
their  Baliimore  resolutions  would  sacrifice  that  in- 
slitution.    They  rather  believed  that,  by  obtaining 
Texas,  the  i>rice  of  human  flesh   would  be   en- 
hanced, and  slavery  supported.  The  consequences 
of  seizing  upon  "  the  whole  of  Oregon'^  were  not 
considered.     Mr.  Polk,  in  his  Inaugural  Addres.s, 
and  in  his  annual  Message,  evidently  overlooked 
the  momentous  ell'ect  which  his  twice-declared  pol- 
icy would  jiroduce  upon  the  slave  interest,  to  which 
he  is  indissolubly  wedded.     He,  and  his  cabinet, 
and  his  parly,  have  made  a  fatal  blunder.     They 
will  soon  discover  their  errtu',  and  will  recede  from 
their  ])osition.    With  the  same  degree  of  confidence 
that  I  have  in  my  own  existence,  I  declare  that  they 
ivill,  before  the  nation  and  the  icorW,  back  out  from 
their  avowed  policy,  and  icill  surrender  %ip  all  that  por- 
tion of  Orcgoii  no)//i  of  the  ADth  parallel  of  latitude,  or 
let  the  subject  remain  as  it  now  is.    I  wish  to  place 
this  prediction  on  record  for  future  reference.   Nor 
would  I  confine  my  remarks  to  the  Democratic 
party.     Those  southern  slaveholdiiig  Whigs  who 
voted  for  Texas  will  now,  if  neces.sary,  turn  round 
and  vote  to  give  up  a  part  of  Oregon.    It  is  a  ques- 
tion between  the  .slave  States  and  the  free  States ; 
and  the  vote  when  taken  will,  with  few  exceptions, 
exhibit  that  chara;;ter.    The  great  master-spirit  of 
southern  jwlicy  has  left  his  retirement,  and  taken 
his  position  in  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  for  the 
avowed  purjxise  of  now  defeating  the  identical  jiol- 
icy,  the  promotion  of  which  occupied  his  whole 
attention  only  twelve  months  since.  lie  is  an  adept 
in  this  political  versatility.    He  will,  however,  car- 
ry the  President  and  the  southern  statesmen  gene- 
rally with  him,     i   ^^  will  defeat  the  measure  to 
which  lie  and  his  party  stand  solemnly  pledged. 


8 

Yrs,  sir;  Rhniild  thip  rrsolulinn  pnsH  both  TIousos  j  l)r  rrlardnl  liy  a  roMlinnnnco  of  tlir  policy,  rnthf 
of  ("f)iip;rof<s,  tlio  Prpsidciit  will  fimi  mcaiiH  to  ifivr  |  than  liy  ii'avintJtlirCJovnnmcnt  NiilijtrMo  ilic  Nlnv 
lip  a  part  of  (Ircijfon,  or  (^vrii  the  wholcof  it,  ralhrr  I  power,  as  it  now  is.     I'y  rarryiiii;  out  tlir'  policy 
than  «ulij«'ct  the  institution  of  .slavery  to  the  nwrv    it  will  pla<'«>  the  northrrn  and  Noiwhcrn  poriionn  ( 
destruction  which  a  war  with  Kn^'iana  would  Iirini;    the  ITnioti  upon  tcrnis  apiiroxiiuatin'jf  to  e(|iialityi 
wpon  it.     I  tti^ain  repeat,  wlial  I  have  endeavored     \n(i  whi'u,   from  iin   liroail  exient,  this  Repuldio* 
to  impress  upon  fjentlemen,  that  this  policy  is  not  ,  like  the  Ilonian  l',nipire,  .shall  fall  nHunder  of  ii 
mine;  I  was. I  my  hand«  of  it.     I  feel  a  deep  and  '  own  weiLrlit,  the  free  Stales  will  redeem  and  piirifi 
nil  ahidinjT  coiivirfion,  that,  if  carried  out,  it  will    iheni.selvefl  from  the  foul  di.su:rai'e  of  supiiorlingui ' 
inevitalily   overtiirow  our  (lovcrnment,   and  (lis- 1  institution  haled  of  mm  ami  cursfd  of  God. 
folvc  the  Union;  hut  that  these  consequences  will  | 


''}''Ui 


fif  flir  pnlicy,  rnth( 
'lit  Niilijfct  to  the  sliu 
ryiri!^  out  tln'  rmlir.yi 

I  Noiitlifrii  |)nrii(in«  (.f 
cinuitiitij  to  f'(|imlityi 
xlf'iit,  Ihis  nc|iulilir| 

II  fall  MHuiMlcr  (if  it?f 
/ill  rp(lccniMii(l  purifi^ 
rm-o  (tCsiipiiortingai 
Liursc'd  of  God. 


VM-i^^- 


